Volume 4 No.1 - 2000
Multiculturalism, Minorities and Policing
Bill Tupman, University of Exeter
This article seeks to place the contemporary European debate about police relations with ethnic minorities into a broader political context. Changes in the structure of society demand more sophisticated responses by the police to the competing conceptions of law and order held by different social groups. Society is composed of minorities, each of which considers itself to possess a monopoly of the moral norm. Reconciling their demands and attitudes to each other will inevitably fall into the police orbit of responsibility, as long as they remain the emergency service of first resort. [1]
In this paper I will concentrate primarily on ethnic minorities and their religious and cultural aspects, and the way in which these produce law and order related questions.
The Demographic Background
Demographic changes are transforming the whole environment in which police services have to work. Where once there was a dominant social consensus even though many dissented from it, now there are competing lifestyles in which the mores and rituals that underpin acceptable behaviour for one group may actually enrage the members of another group. This has implications not only for the police and citizens, but also for the creation of appropriate political institutions, particularly in the following areas.
i) Conflict - prevention and resolution.
ii) Bargaining and negotiation: how institutions can be developed that ensure these processes can take place without resorting to violence.
iii) The allocation of values, be these economic values, moral values, ideological values or just prices.
iv) The relationship between government and people
iv) The proper provision of services by the government and other agencies to the citizenry.
These issues affect policing, either when conflict between groups in society spills over on to the street and involves widescale public disorder, or similarly when conflict between elements of the citizenry and the government leads to public disorder. The police are also interested or involved when the government allocates values in such a way that certain activities are declared against the law and thus become crimes. On the Continent police services have a defined mission of promoting "ordre public", which has overtones of public health, rather than simply avoiding violence. Many commentators on Anglo-Saxon policing have also argued that the police are involved in policing the moral status quo, which can spill over into the political arena.[2] Policing the status quo in a fragmenting society has become an increasingly frustrating task. Demographic change accelerates this fragmentation.
Demography is defined as the study of people and the way in which a population is composed. To understand demographic change both as it has taken place, and as it is projected to take place it is best to start from a conceptual framework. From a political scientist's point of view, the major building blocks of society are institutions, interest groups and political parties. The demographic forces that affect the way each of these are structured are:
i) Class
ii) Race
iii) Age
iv) Sex
v) Religion and ideology
Starting with Age, because, as will be shown, this variable will affect the next variable to be discussed, Race. It has become accepted wisdom that most West European societies are heading for what is called the "Demographic Dip". This involves a lack of sufficient young members of the population to enter the workforce and perform the various necessary economic tasks. The collapse of the Soviet Union took place just as it began to emerge from such a demographic dip, which had begun in about 1976 and went through to 1986. The consequences were dramatic. As a result of a shortage of 16 to 18 year olds it was necessary for the Soviet leadership after 1970 to look for technology and replace these 16 year olds by machinery. The failure to make this transition led to foreign debt and unmet consumer demand. This in turn led to the dismantling of the Stalinist system.
West European countries may feel that this problem is not going to be as great for them since they are already well involved in the introduction of capital intensive as opposed to labour intensive technology. Nonetheless, there are fears that there are not going to be enough 16 year olds around to meet the demands of industry, the army and the police. At the same time, the population is ageing. Each country will have an increasing proportion of citizens expecting to be able to stop working, live on a pension, receive health care, and be supported by taxes paid by the younger sections of the population just as those in work have been, until recently, supporting the generation that underwent the Second World War.
In crime terms, the police may benefit because a lack of juveniles may actually cause a reduction in petty crime. Most petty crime is committed by the 16-24 year old age group and some researchers even argue that the age of criminality is edging downwards. If these people become economically active, one set of criminologists argue that there will be less crime committed. On the other hand, if there is going to be an ageing population which is not fully supported in terms of pensions and facilities, a geriatric crimewave may occur and crimes such as shop lifting simply move from being juvenile crime to a crime of the elderly.
The elderly may not be as efficient at rioting as the young, but their problems may come out in different ways. One of the questions that police forces need to consider is how the elderly will respond if they are not satisfied in terms of goods, services and pensions they expect. In the United States at one stage there was a campaign for "Grey Panthers" by militant pensioner groups. This does not appear to be a major problem, but it has led to the elderly being perceived as a political bloc. The elderly have a greater fear of crime than the young, even though they are less likely to be a victim. They have thus started, or at least those that can afford it, to hide behind security guard patrolled complexes of flats for senior citizens and to separate themselves from the young, producing the beginnings of a society stratified on age grounds rather than class.
This ageing population provides the "pull" factor for immigration. In the UK this last occurred in the mid-1950s, when shortages in the Health service and London Transport led to employers advertising in the Indian sub-continent and Caribbean for workers. Germany in the 60s and 70s similarly "pulled" "guestworkers" from Yugoslavia and Turkey.
There is a "push" factor producing emigration from the less developed countries. 50% or more of the population is under 25. These countries are going to find their problems becoming more acute over the next 20 years. Increasingly manufacturing industry is capital intensive and the huge populations being created in countries like China, India, Indonesia, Brazil etc. cannot be absorbed into a manufacturing economy in the way that such populations were in 19th Century Europe. The future will allegedly involve service economy and exactly what this means has not been made wholly clear by its proponents. What appears to be happening is that many of these people are providing sexual services as prostitutes, male, female and transvestite. There is also a growth in demand for people to act as domestic servants: the Philippines in particular have become famous for this both in the United Kingdom and throughout the Gulf. Some economists predict a return to a servant economy similar to that of the 18th and 19th Century Europe. Whether this is true or not, the less developed countries are not going to be able to absorb the labour that is in being as a result of these large young populations, and the traditional forms of population control such as war are unavailable in the era of nuclear stalemate. [But appear to be reappearing since the collapse of the Soviet superpower along with famine and disease.] The effect is going to be emigration on a massive scale.
Jean-Pierre Chevenement, the French Minister of the Interior, presented a document to a meeting of the European Council of Ministers on 28th July 2000, arguing that the EU will need to admit 75m migrants in the next 50 years. His argument derived partly from the UN Population Division. A continuation of existing demographic trends would mean that the population of the 15 EU countries and of the countries then bidding for membership would fall by 2050 from 729m to 628m while the world's population will grow from 6bn to 9bn. As argued above, the fall in population conceals a much larger fall in the economically active population. This in turn has produced and will produce pressures on the lower paid areas of the economy. There[3] is already a growing demand for workers in catering, hotels and seasonal employment such as fruit picking. This will continue to grow and provides a market for "human smugglers" at the destination end of the trail as well as at the point of departure. It is no longer simply the case that migrants wish to escape from poverty and obtain a job in the industrialised countries. The industrialised countries are looking for migrants and, in certain areas of employment, preferably by the back door so that unscrupulous employers can coerce them into a life of low wages.
Changes in population structure thus produce pressures for immigration and this in turn affects the variable, Race, the social consequences of which will be discussed in detail below. Suffice it to say that large population movements are already occurring and will continue to occur. The United States is rapidly becoming a Spanish speaking country. There are those who expect Spanish to become the second official language of the United States in the 21st Century as immigrants from Mexico and countries south of the Rio Grande come north.
In Europe the collapse of Stalinism in the late 1980s has already produced emigration from East Europe to West Europe. Germany alone had a million immigrants in 1992, although a high proportion of this was due to events in the Former Republic of Yugoslavia. This will conflict with movements from elsewhere. The emigration of Arabs from the Maghreb, the emigration of people from the Indian sub-continent to the United Kingdom and increasingly other Northern European countries: emigration from Indonesia to the Netherlands, emigration from China, emigration from the Caribbean and emigration from sub-Saharan Africa all bring the same pressures to bear on Western Europe to become a multi-cultural society as they have on the United States.
The big issue for the 21st Century is how successful will democratic countries be in creating multi-cultural institutions. The examples of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union provide a grim warning for the European Union. The institutional solutions to the problems posed by multi-culturalism fell apart in these countries the instant that authoritarianism was undermined. Federalism, though a traditional solution to these problems, breaks down where the populations are not geographically concentrated, but have migrated to urban areas producing cities with ghettos of different nationalities and culture within them. The federal system is suitable for a primarily rural society. What is now required is the creation of an urban counterpart of federalism. This will necessitate decentralisation of power from national government to cities and decentralisation of power within cities to culturally autonomous regions within those cities. This runs against the whole tendency of recent political development, which has been that of centralisation.
It is not clear whether proportional representation will improve or cause a deterioration in relations as a result of this. In the United States, historically, the first past the post electoral system has compelled immigrants to become part of a coalition building process. The Irish could not achieve power without allying with the Jewish electors in New York for example. The Democrats had to build a coalition composed of a number of ethnic minorities, as did the Republicans. In a proportional representation based system each minority could have fought for its own representative in the parliament or assembly. This may be made even worse with multi-member constituencies where people may not have used second or third choices in order to ensure the election of their own ethnic minority representative. Proportional representation has successfully operated as a mechanism to create consensus where political cleavages are primarily ideological. No democratic system has been particularly successful in overcoming ethnic cleavages, although the survival of Belgium as a political entity and the Swiss example are both worthy of study.
Turning next to Class, traditional manufacturing economies have become known as "rust-bucket" economies in recent years. The pundits predict the decline and possible disappearance of sections of the traditional skilled working class in Europe and North America, despite their obvious increase in China, India, Pakistan, South Korea and Taiwan. They predict a massive growth in the Lumpenproletariat which they have renamed the Underclass. Marxists say that this analysis is faulty. The disappearance of a class of people who sell their labour power or are wage slaves is not what is happening. What is happening is that the organised working class working in factories is being replaced by a white-collar working class who conceive themselves as middle class or a cut above the traditional worker. Workers in education, the health service and financial services are likely to continue to exist and the decline in skilled manufacturing industry is levelling off. It is unskilled labour that is finding it difficult to obtain jobs.
The growth in the Lumpenproletariat or Underclass is linked with the growth of crime: particularly with the growth in drug misuse and with petty street crime. It is also linked with a growth in anti-police rioting. As the tangible representatives of a remote authority, the police can at least be attacked to the immediate gratification of members of the Underclass. But, equally, the Underclass born in a particular country enjoys fighting with the Underclass that has immigrated from another country. Again, here, the possibilities of racial tension and public order are high.
Someone is going to have to find a way for these populations to become economically active other than by joining the career structure of crime.[4] The situation is no better in less developed countries except that it is less frequently exacerbated by race and religion. Migration is mainly still from the country to the town, rather than from one country to another. This may be a Western misapprehension, when one takes into account the situation of the Biharis in Pakistan, say and there may be others who do not inhabit the areas dear to the sociologist as tourist.
Religion is, surprisingly, still a potent force in politics. The rise of the moral majority in the United States paralleled the rise of fundamentalism in Islamic countries. When times are complex, people seek refuge in old and simpler explanations. But, in the first years of the 21st Century, societies that traditionally conceive of themselves as characterised by a single state approved religion are going to have to accommodate religions from elsewhere. In Europe, this will primarily be Islam. The Salman Rushdie affair has shown how potent this issue can be and what tensions it can create within a society. Britain's blasphemy laws have been geared primarily to protect Christianity. Other religions are, as yet, given no protection at all. Should other religions be protected by the law in the same way that the traditional state religion was? Or, if the population is not itself primarily religious, should there be a right not to have a religion? What rights do parents have in terms of their children being educated in the religion of their belief or not being educated in any single religion but in several? These questions are going to create large-scale problems in the 21st century and linked to them are questions deriving from the practice of particular religions. Abortion and the right to life were potent issues in late 20th Century politics. In the United States there have been acts of terrorism performed against abortion clinics. Similar questions relating to personal morality are going to be brought back onto the agenda in the early 21st Century and there are going to be bitter and violent arguments about them.
Last but not least, the factor of sex, or gender as it is more commonly referred to in contemporary literature. Countries that have introduced birth control policies in the last 20 years are countries that are finding themselves with an excess of young males over young females. Post-war societies have suffered from an excess of females and survived. An excess of adolescent males, is however, a recipe for public disorder. It may also, of course, be a recipe for homosexuality and the further spread of AIDS, and it will certainly be a recipe for emigration and clashes between young males in the societies to which emigrants go to seek partners.
Putting all this together, what does it imply for the 21st Century? How will political systems have to respond? Firstly, in terms of age structure, societies will need to create institutions by which the young are brought into political participation. Anomie and drug-taking are signs of powerlessness. For society to develop, the young must have an input and be allowed to express their ideas. Although he is now considered out of date, Mao Zedong once tried to create a three-in-one leadership of the old, the middle aged, and the young. Societies with a preponderance of the young people will need to look at the necessity for creating institutions in which they can participate. These may be pressure groups or youth groups at first, but it may well be that as in Amsterdam on at least 2 occasions, youth will create their own political parties and will seize control of municipal government with possibly bizarre results. Most developing countries have troubles with their student population. Again this is because the students do not see themselves as having an input into the political process.
However, it is those societies with a preponderance of the elderly who will have to be most insistent on bringing the young into participation. A society, which is preponderantly over 55, will inevitably become a stagnant society. Equally, however, the retired will have to be mobilised in some form of political participation. A primarily leisure-based retired group is a recipe for anomie of a similar type to the anomie of the young. Criminologists may be telling us in 15 to 20 years of the spread of drug-taking amongst our senior citizens as a response to their feeling of powerlessness and non-participation.
The racial paradox will be a similar one. The problem will be how to create institutions that give all races and religions an input into the policy making process and arrive at a way of achieving accepted compromises between these groups. The traditional democratic methods may not be adequate here. New institutions and second, third and even fourth chambers of the assembly may be necessary for these groups to voice their demands and sort themselves out.
Democracies are likely to see a different array of political parties unless existing political parties can respond to the age, ethnic, class and religious challenges. Political parties are likely to become more and more like pressure groups with single issue causes like the Greens coming and going and having impact at random electoral times.
The nation state is unlikely to survive the process. The nation state with its myth of a political system approximating to a single ethnic group as a creation initially of the 17th Century in France and Britain and then spread to the rest of Europe during the revolutionary wars of Napoleon Bonaparte reached its apogee in the years of decolonisation after the Second World War. Supra-national entities are now becoming more important than the nation state and the nation state itself is increasingly faced with demands to pass power downwards to the localities and local government in general. This is, however, only part of the mix because a further major conflict of the last quarter of the 20th Century also needs to be addressed: the challenge of the free-marketeers to the post-war consensus of the welfare state and the idea of the safety net. The balance between public and private provision of services to the population has changed dramatically in these last years of the 20th Century. The implications of this in the immediate term are still to be worked out. It may be even that allegiance to the multi-national company that employs you will replace allegiance to the state.
Public disorder occurs most frequently when the political system is overloaded by demands from the citizenry and interest groups, as well as its own institutions. Demand overload leads to interest groups resorting to violence to put their demands on the agenda. This, in turn, leads to a vicious circle where the government only responds to those demands that become emergencies because of the violence connected with them. This draws the police into the political arena because they are likely to be successful in putting down those people who are making demands for the first time and are not experienced in making demands. Those that have plenty of experience are likely to be able to keep their demands on the political agenda. The police can actually end up harming the political system if they do not allow demands to be aired. This is not to blame the police, because it is the political system itself that is at fault under such circumstances. The political system either may fail to recognise the existence of demands, or to provide institutions at a lower territorial level than that of national government, that can respond to demands or create compromises before those demands reach national government level. Equally, civil society may not be sufficiently well developed to provide non-governmental institutional mechanisms that can satisfy demands. This is most likely to occur in times of rapid social change. Demographic change in the 21st Century promises to continue to be rapid.
As a result Western Europe will become more and more a society of minorities.
Policing a Multiultural Society
This section of the article seeks to identify the problem areas for police officers when dealing with minorities, to raise the relevant human rights issues and to discuss possible ways of handling problems short of enforcement and confrontation.
Dealing with minorities is one of the most sensitive activities the police engage in. There is an English saying: "Ignorance of the law is no excuse." Where recent immigrant communities are concerned, ignorance may be no excuse but it is often a fact. The police are often dealing with communities that do not know what the rules are; either the formal rules as embodied in constitutions, statutes and decisions of judges, or the informal rules on which a society operates - customs, habits, acceptable forms of behaviour, ways of solving conflict, nuances of language and especially non-verbal communication. Under such circumstances there are bound to be frequent misunderstandings and these misunderstandings can escalate quickly into confrontation and even riot. All too often, these confrontations end with the police accused of racism and of behaving in a politicised, right wing manner.
In addition, the police find it difficult to fulfil their preventive role and, instead of being seen as public servants informing and assisting people in need and in trouble, they can be seen as agents of repression placing law enforcement ahead of keeping the peace. Where this involves them in cumulative conflict with an individual minority over a multiplicity of issues questions of legitimacy can be raised, not only of the police but also of the political system as a whole.[5]
Whenever the question of minorities is raised, the question of human rights soon follows. A homogeneous society, based on a single religion and a single ethnic background, has little trouble with human rights except insofar as ideological minorities may be concerned. A society with religious and ethnic minorities has more problems providing guarantees for the rights of minorities and balancing the rights of majorities against the rights of minorities. In a sense, minorities only keep their rights as long as they manage not to offend the majority. A multi-cultural society, however, has complex and potentially serious problems. Where minorities differ on particular issues there is that much more of a problem deciding how the majority is composed that should be used as the cultural touchstone for determining rights. Homosexuality, for example, has presented society of late with some major problems. Many societies declared and still declare homosexual acts illegal. Others have begun to see homosexuality in a different light and have legalised sexual acts between consenting adults in private over a certain age. There are homosexuals, however, who wish to extend the age limit and wish to have the right to kiss and hold hands in public in the same way as heterosexuals - in certain societies at least. Such rights as have been granted are now threatened by hysteria over AIDS, and in the US, and latterly the UK, have become the occasion for campaigns of civil disobedience and confrontation between the police and the organised gay community.
Thereby hangs another problem. Societies are not quick to grant new rights. Most have only been won through struggle; by people prepared to go to prison to martyr themselves, and by people prepared to engage in civil disobedience and even acts of violence. This presents the police with a further set of difficulties. They are constantly faced with grey areas - there may be public support for attacks on minorities, but it is sometimes difficult to remember the doctrines of minimum force and that it is only people breaking the law who should be arrested rather than people of whom one might not approve.
What Sorts of Minorities Exist in Contemporary Society?
I have a cartoon that dates from 1968. It shows a man in a suit looking across a barricade to a young man holding a baton and improvised shield with a motorcycle helmet on his head. The man in the suit is saying, "Why this violence? Why these barricades?" The man behind the barricade is saying, "Because you're all idiots." The man in the suit then says, "But we are the majority!" Young man, "The majority has no right to impose its idiocy on the minority!"
This is a good starting point for a discussion of the relationship between law and order and minorities. Every society has lots of minorities, but they only become a law and order issue when they insist that they have the right to be dramatically different from the majority culture. When they insist that they have the right to behave in a different way and even to behave in a way such that the laws of the majority culture are broken.
There are various sorts of minority in a society. The most obvious are ethnic, cultural and religious minorities. Then there are also ideological minorities and there are economic minorities. Ethnic minorities in a society may be recent immigrants such as Asians and Afro-Caribbeans in the UK, or inhabitants of the Maghreb in other parts of Europe. They may be remnants of old populations driven into undesirable farming areas of the countries such as mountain areas, by the population that has now become the majority; for example, the Welsh, the Bretons, the Basques, to give European examples again.
Religious minorities may also be identical with these ethnic minorities; West European countries, primarily Christian in religion, have recently found themselves confronted with large scale Islamic immigration. Islamic countries have also found themselves recently confronted with large-scale Christian immigration and even Buddhist immigration from the Far East.
Cultural minorities are somewhat different. Many of them are associated with the forms of youth tribalism that have emerged in the post-war era; we began with "Teddy-Boys", moved on through "Mods" and "Rockers" via "Skinheads" to "New Romantics", "Punks" and "Acid House Party Goers". The 90s were the decade of "Rave" culture. There are other forms of cultural minorities, however; there is a whole new version of the traditional Gypsy; the Festival People, the Tepee People and people loosely describable as "Travelling People".
Briefly, however, I would like to mention ideological and economic minorities. Every society has its extreme left and its extreme right as well as having minorities prone to follow an ideology of nationalism or separatism. In democratic societies these are considered to be extremist when they do not accept the basic norms of democracy; consensus, compromise, the rule of law and accountability to the population through regular free elections. These are the people who feel that "the majority are idiots" and that they have a monopoly of the truth. They seek to achieve their goals by exploiting tensions within society, and again since the middle 1960s they have exploited the issue of race as a way of gaining public support and undermining democracy.
We all belong to economic minorities in that we all belong to small groups of workers determined by the sort of work we do and the rates of pay we receive. Workers in agriculture are now a minority and still seek to preserve their culture. The French peasant has now been joined by the British farmer as a threatened socio-economic group, searching out political strategies to preserve their mediaeval rituals. The unionised skilled working class is also on the road to becoming a minority, seeking to preserve its culture particularly exemplified by the mining industry - throughout the industrialised world. There is not room to touch on the law and order problems of social-economic minorities in this paper, except as they relate to the question of race and ethnic minorities.
Problems in the Relationship Between Law and Order and Minorities
So what sorts of problems do these various minorities present in law and order terms? The cultural minorities are the easiest and most self-contained to with which to begin. Most serious problems have occurred when these cultural minorities overlap with the drug culture. In the United Kingdom problems with "pop festivals" go back a long way. The Windsor Park Festival was the first to involve wide scale disorder back in 1973. Originally the pop festival movement was part of the movement for an alternative society. The then anarchist elements of the left sought to create in a festival on the model of Woodstock, a place in which an alternative society could be built in embryo for 2/3 days or longer. By their very numbers the people going hoped to be able to deter the police from making arrests of Marijuana smokers and they also hoped to create a good time with all sorts of collective endeavours. This movement really institutionalised itself around a succession of festivals at Stonehenge which were finally banned and broken up by police action in the middle 1980s. In June 2000 the Summer Solstice was celebrated again for the first time since those days of conflict.
A different version of the event - the so-called Acid House Party - sprang up later. This was a 'spontaneous party' which occurred either in an old warehouse or aircraft hanger or perhaps just a marquee, where young people go primarily again to have a good time. Originally, Acid House music was a form of music that had nothing to do with the drug LSD-25, popularly known as Acid, although MDMA or Ecstasy was apparently frequently available at such parties. Now, however, stereotyping by the media has created a generation of young people who expect that Acid will be sold at an Acid House Party and also expect that there will be the opportunity to have a confrontation with the police. Rave culture has superseded Acid House, but the involvement with Ecstasy continues. It is worth noting that the Dutch police do not appear to have spent time and effort preventing such parties or to have even noticed the movement.
A whole set of problems arises from behaviour associated with musical trends. Given that these events serve as a cover for the taking of illegal drugs and for the introduction of non-drug users to the drug culture, should the police not seek to police them? Policing here not necessary meaning simply stamping them out, because in so doing this would have negative effects on police/public relations, particularly on relationships with young people. If young people think that the police exist to prevent them from having fun then they may seek to entertain themselves by engaging in violent confrontations with the police, and with the Acid House Party they can, of course, choose the venue of such a confrontation. What is needed, and what has been needed for some time and was recommended by a Royal Commission back in 1976, is a series of permanent sites with proper toilet facilities, drainage and patrollable gangways for such events to take place. What is also needed is an attitude on the part of the police that young people are allowed to have fun as long as the law is not broken. Another problem, however, is that these events tend to be held in the countryside in electoral constituencies that are largely dominated by the backbone of the Conservative Party. There are thus other political angles to the whole question. It would be mischievous to suggest that the festival folk and the hunt lobby might be able to come to an agreement. The festival folk and their allies would stop sabotaging the hunt in return for the right to hold an annual festival on the same land. Ah, where is the old Anglo-Saxon spirit of compromise!
The human rights issue has to do with, firstly the right to entertainment. Everyone has such a right, but presumably limited by the amount of disturbance one's entertainment causes to other people. In the last one hundred years, noisy entertainment has been largely confined to stadia or closed venues such as theatres and opera houses. Disturbance is caused largely by people on their way to and from the ground/stadium/theatre. The festival, however, goes beyond this and is almost a harking back to medieval types of festivity when the world was turned upside-down. Most medieval societies had a day when men dressed as women and got disgracefully drunk and perhaps even exchanged sexual partners. This formed an important function both in terms of extending the gene-pool and in terms of letting off possible social tensions. Most armies still have a Christmas Day ceremony (where these armies are Christian), where the officers actually behave as waiters and serve either their soldiers or sometimes even their catering staff. Perhaps for rules to remain in force, it is necessary for them occasionally to be ceremonially broken for a limited period of time.
Is there also a right to be young and to do something new? The problem for the young, which is acute in 21st Century society, is that they wish to feel that they are the first to do certain things. It may be an important myth for them to believe these things. Certainly, it means that they are always seen to create a new form of entertainment that is not the entertainment of their parents. The problem of creating settled festival sites is that the next generation would presumably want to do something totally different and would see festival sites as boring, regimented and to do with their parents. We need research to see how long the average youth craze lasts and to what extent youth crazes go away because of policing or simply because their time has passed. Anyway, even if there is a right to be young, presumably there is a right for those not young not to be bothered by the young. Or does society need the young to bother the middle-aged and elderly to remind them sometimes that change is necessary? It is said that primitive society had an excellent method of dealing with the young. When young males reach puberty the elders of the tribe would take them off into the mountains and do something so unspeakably horrible to them, usually involving their sexual organs, that the young were cowed into submission for a significant period of time in case it were ever done to them again! This would definitely be paedophilia today, however, and illegal!
A discussion of "gangsta-rap" would be in order here, but fortunately space does not permit more than to note that this is the ultimate musical cultural celebration of opposition between police and urban youth, and that overtones of ethnic minority are added to the potential for conflict. Most of the stars are black and seem to be subject to frequent arrest.
Associated with the festival movement, but not with Acid House Parties, are the "New Age Travellers". These groups go under a series of different names: the Convoy, the Wallies, the Mutants etc. These are people who have chosen to live in vehicles and move to semi-settled site to semi-settled site. These are remarkably similar to the gypsies and they also are involved in continual confrontations with the police primarily over the roadworthiness of their vehicles, but also and probably more fundamentally in terms of their lifestyle. Again, these are members of a drug-taking sub-culture and are going to be in fairly frequent conflict with the police as a result. During the 90s they broadened out into the anti-roads lobby and spent much time tunnelling underground and building treehouses. The British Government's response was to send in sheriffs, exhumed from the Middle Ages, backed up by private security and aided by a curious alliance of right-wing spelaeologists and rock-climbers. The police appeared relieved at this wholesale privatisation of an issue that had begun to attract middle-class support.
The rights of gypsies have constantly been in dispute throughout the centuries. They were tolerated as horse breeders and horse dealers until the horse became obsolete. At the beginning of the XXIst Century, "Romanian Gypsies" are migrating rapidly into Western Europe and receiving the blame for a variety of "outbreaks of crime". The "New Age Travellers" do not seem to be contributing any particular service to society except as a partial solution of the housing crisis and a way of keeping part of the unemployed from settling in any one place and becoming a burden on the local government tax-payer.
Bridging the divide between the drug culture and ethnic minorities are the "Rastafarians".[6] This was originally a Jamaican based group, which believes in the importance of Hailie Selassie, the last Emperor of Ethiopia, who has become a semi-deity, semi-prophet figure. Apart from their characteristic style of dress with dreadlocks and red, yellow and green striped scarves or woolly hats, this group is in conflict with the police because they claim that part of their religion involves the smoking of Ganja or Marijuana as a sacrament. The illegality of Marijuana is an aspect of conflict between the police and most of the groups discussed previously. The path taken by the Netherlands on drug policy remains controversial and relatively unresearched 10 years after this paper was originally delivered. It would be interesting to know the degree to which their relationships with ethnic minorities and youth culture have been improved by removing the tensions that arise from controlling drug-taking.
It is probably only to a small degree because there are so many other problems that confront the legal and policing system as a result of a multi-cultural society. Taking these one at a time, let us begin with the problem of racist responses by elements within the majority population to either existing ethnic minorities, or to immigrating ethnic minorities. Defining racism is itself a political manner, but in this context is taken to mean hostility that arises simply because of the different appearance of members of the minorities. This usually involves elements of the extreme right who are particularly antagonistic to any long settled Jewish minority, but since the 1950s have turned their attention to recent immigrants as a way of gaining public support. Racist responses can involve a number of phenomena; attacks on individuals, fire bombings of houses, marches and demonstrations demanding the expulsion of the immigrant community, especially marches and demonstrations which assert a democratic right to free speech but insist on the right of walking through an area where immigrant minorities live and where an outburst of public disorder is expected to be provoked. There are problems here for police forces providing protection from these attacks, and more especially problems keeping the balance between the democratic freedoms of speech and keeping the peace. Most societies have had to introduce laws that allow the police some control over the routes and timing of demonstrations as a result of this occurrence. Those societies that have managed to keep decisions about political demonstrations in the hands of the politicians are probably in a better position than those who have given this power to the police. Politicians are accountable to the electorate. If the police allow themselves the right to take this decision, they can be seen as a politically biased force and can run into problems with public relations and legitimacy.
As opposed to racist responses there are other conflicts between the majority population and minority populations that sometimes can be exploited by extremists, but are nevertheless genuine problems. Existing minorities can become politically violent if they feel their position is threatened. The fire bombing campaign of the 1980s and 1990s against second homes in North Wales is a classic example of this. People moving in from England and buying up cottages that could have been occupied by Welsh people, had there been employment for them, led to a campaign of arson attacks on the houses by a shadowy group called MAC. Some of the problems in the Basque areas may well have originated due to immigration of Spanish speakers into the historic Basque homelands. The Corsican problem began very much with the exodus of the French "colons" from Algeria and their more entrepreneurial culture clashed with the traditional Corsican culture - although in this case this was a minority arriving to annoy a majority.
There are similar conflicts over jobs. The incoming ethnic minorities can be seen as a threat to the wages of existing groups in the majority population. There are likely to be conflicts over jobs, housing, and wages. The law and order problem here is frequently small scale, spontaneous outbursts of fighting and disorder that can occur in the areas where the minority populations are living.
There can also, of course, be conflicts within an ethnic minority which may all apparently come from one area of the globe from the point of view of the host population, but actually may have brought with it all sorts of disagreements which can are up in the new country. There is a danger of assuming that all people from say India or China or Pakistan consider themselves to be Indians, Chinese or Pakistanis, as opposed to Sikhs, Hindus, Bengalis of both Hindu and Islamic religion, Biharis or one of the various minority groups who inhabit the Gwangdong province. Good research needs to be done on these minorities and well informed liaison officers appointed to ensure major misunderstandings do not arise. Consultative committees need to have representatives from all shades of opinion rather than assuming that one individual can represent all people from a particular minority.
Another area where problems can be caused is conflicts between ethnic minorities; there can be conflict between newly arrived minorities and old established minorities. A hierarchy of ethnic minorities may develop in a society and around it can develop a whole culture of street gangs warring for territory.
A murkier problem can arise where ethnic minorities feel threatened by the groups already established in a society. Such groups will create their own protection groups and mutual aid associations. These may seem harmless at first and may be perfectly open and above ground, or may disappear below ground if persecution occurs. The Mafia, the Triads and the new organised Soviet Jewish criminal groups in New York are examples of organised crime syndicates that have grown out of ethnic minority self-protection groups. Where the police fail to police, an ethnic minority will develop its own forms of policing and will develop the classic enforcement system of organised crime. This can become ultimately a state within a state and corrupt local politics, and sometimes even national politics.
Most of the areas touched on so far have to do with public order. There are, however, crime problems. Many years ago a group from Italy arrived in what was then Britain. With them they brought one of the most dangerous drugs known to mankind: wine. Before that, the British had only had mild stimulants of mead and beer to occupy them and were a fairly peaceful society who rarely became inebriated (sic)! The new recreational drug soon took hold of the upper middle classes and aristocracy and was later followed by strong variants, known as fortified wine, from places such as Portugal and Spain. We see a similar phenomenon arising with the arrival of Marijuana in Britain associated with the Afro-Caribbean immigrants. The wholesale import of Opium and its derivatives to West Germany were associated with Turkish immigrants.
Another area where problems arise is connected with the cultural mores of ethnic minorities. Immigrants from hot climates may be used to a street culture where a lot of the time is spent on the street talking to each other, having impromptu parties and generally hanging out. This can create apprehension on the part of patrolling police officers and can generally produce a situation in which rioting is always waiting to start. Police officers must learn to distinguish between exuberance and aggression. This demands all sorts of training. Similarly, Caribbean culture involves impromptu parties that can go on for days at a time. This is also true of Micronesian culture. The noise connected with these parties can create tensions with people from the home population living within hearing distance. The general problem comes down to the fact that what is normal in the homeland of the immigrant, may be abnormal and even illegal in the new country. Puberty rites, for example, may not be looked on with favour on the part of the social workers and police officers of the new country!
Religious beliefs and practices can create similar problems. There are matters that the inhabitants of the new country need to learn about the habits of the immigrants, as well as vice versa. Employers, for example, need to be aware of the affects of Ramadan on their employees. States moving from a single culture to a multi-cultural society need to face the question of the rights of the religions.
This raises the whole question of whether an immigrant culture is to be absorbed or is to be allowed to retain its different nature. Related to this is the whole question of whether immigrant communities should be dispersed on the Canadian model of the 1980s, or allowed to form cultural focuses on the existing British model.
Related to these questions are the problems of what the immigrants expect from the legal system and the police. The powers of police officers may be different in the country from which the immigrant comes; the legal system may be a lot less fair. Immigrants may genuinely fear a beating if they are taken into a police station; they may even think that police officers can only arrest them if they have a piece of paper signed by a magistrate or some other document. The potential for misunderstandings here is great, and again training is necessary for police officers in order to handle these problems sensitively.
Equally, the role of violence in the culture of the immigrant may be quite different. Higher levels of violence may be acceptable than those in an industrialised western society. Pushing, touching and jostling may be perfectly acceptable ways of carrying out a conversation whereas a police officer could deem them an assault.
Related again are questions of family structure and concepts of community and society. In the UK, for example, the single parent family has become a political football in the debate over social security. Some anthropologists have argued that its growth is related to the way in which families have a more extended nature in the Caribbean and that young women have children which are cared for by their mothers (the children's' grandmother), and that this is in no way a problem. It is, however, a problem of course if, (a) the grandmother is not in the country, and (b) if housing is allocated on the basis of an imaginary nuclear family rather than an extended family. Equally, if the new country has a different attitude to children born outside marriage, and this is in some way part of the legal and welfare system, all sorts of problems can ensue.
Another side of this problem concerns the expectations and aspirations of incoming ethnic minorities. Where the aspirations and expectations are low, the first generation may be happy with a relatively low standard of living and may measure its prosperity relative to the position in the country it came from rather than the position of the rest of the population in the country which it has just joined. There can be problems here, however, when the second generation goes through the educational system and is about to enter the work force. Aspirations may have become much higher and may be unsatisfiable in terms of the educational qualifications achieved. Some immigrant communities, of course, come with money and expect to set up businesses.
The final area of problems discussed here relates to the import of products from the home country to the new country. Price systems are not as rational as economists would have us believe. A product for which a lot of money needs to be paid in the new country may be available cheaply back in the home country. Immigrants may start to import these commodities, legally or illegally. Immigrants from Hong Kong, for example, may very quickly get involved in the import of pirate videos and computer software which are available in Hong Kong at a fraction of the price that these commodities command in West Europe and North America. More recently, people have themselves become a commodity to be smuggled and traded.[7]
Overall, then, there are many possible problems that arise from the existence of minorities. Most of them demand a response from the education system. Police officers, the home population and the immigrant population all need to be educated as to each other's cultures and expectations. The limits of tolerance have to be defined. Perhaps there are messages that can be learnt from the United States' experience in the earlier part of this Century when it created a language educational system and an examination system as a pre-condition of citizenship. This is, however, only half the answer. The other part of the answer has to do with the creation of appropriate political institutions by which a multi-cultural society can ensure the resolution of conflict at levels lower than that of the National Assembly.
A central problem, however, for a police force practising the doctrine of policing by consent is successfully relating its policing strategies to a public relations philosophy of trying to ensure that no-one feels that any group is being favoured. It is important to remember that segments of the majority population feel threatened by minorities and that justice must not only be done, but be seen to be done.
Policies to Overcome some of these Problems
The Scarman report on the Brixton disorders of 10 April to 12 April 1981 is one of the first major European documents to address the problem of policing minorities.[8] Like its American predecessor, the Kerner Commission Report, it was a response to widescale public disorder. Its main point was that policing an inner-city area was a difficult thing to do as there was a generation there of people without hope. Most of the policies that could improve matters for the population of the area were outside the control of the police, being properly a matter for politicians. Nevertheless, a number of Scarman's recommendations are relevant here:
i) That racist marches or processions should be banned in racially sensitive areas. The necessary legal changes should be made to ensure that this is possible.
ii) That the police complaints system be reformed to increase public confidence in it. The particular change suggested here was the introduction of an independent element.
iii) Provision for random checks by persons other than police officers on the interrogation and detention of suspects in the police station (Lay Police Station Visitors Scheme).
iv) That racially prejudiced or discriminatory behaviour by police officers be included as a specific offence in the police discipline code and that the normal penalty for racially prejudiced behaviour be dismissal.
v) That methods of policing used in inner-city areas be re-examined with particular reference to the pattern of patrolling, especially the mix of foot and mobile patrols, ways of ensuring that experienced officers work in these areas, ensuring that operational officers know the community they are policing, integrating home beat officers into mainstream operational policing and reviewing carefully the circumstances in which "hard" policing methods are applied.
vi) That the supervision of young police officers be given greater attention.
vii) That local consultative or liaison committees be set up to improve community involvement in the policy of operations of policing. It is necessary to do this in a way that does not undermine the independence of the police or destroy the secrecy of operations against crime.
Lord Scarman, however, did not recommend and indeed rejected proposals for an annual quota of places in the police to be reserved for coloured minorities and that standards for recruitment be lowered. He did, however, consider that "vigorous efforts be made to recruit more black people in to the police". The quota system is that introduced in the US after the Kerner Commission report.
Discussing some of the points that arise from Scarman's recommendations, the first question with which to start is that of the membership of police forces by people from minority group background. Should police forces attempt to achieve a situation in which their composition reflects the composition of society? Obviously, this cannot be wholly achieved in that the under 18s cannot be represented and, some would say, the over 65s cannot be represented. Should, however, people from the various ethnic minorities and people from sexual minorities such as homosexuals be included? The original version of this paper suggested that this issue was controversial, but that the Dutch were beginning to confront the problem. The issue has moved on in the last 10 years. Gay officers have "come out" in the Metropolitan police and there are even quotas in some US forces. But the problem of how to go about recruiting gay officers is as tricky as that of recruiting and retaining ethnic minority population members. Where there is already bad feeling between the police and the minority, it is difficult for members of that minority to join the police and remain part of their own community.
In 1988, the Dutch began a Positive Action Plan to deal with this part of the question.[9] This began with the assumption that an improved delivery of the police service to minorities is only possible if both women and members of the ethnic minority are recruited. In order to do this, the Dutch laid down three major goals.
Firstly, handicaps to recruitment must be abolished: height requirements must go, formal educational requirements must be replaced by tests of intellectual attainment. Biased psychological tests such as IQ tests which are biased in favour of particular cultures must be replaced. Finally, applicants must be prepared for the selection procedures themselves, so that they are not handicapped when they undergo them.
Next, training must be improved. Cultural obstacles that inhibit particular applicants from particular ethnic backgrounds within the actual training process have to be dealt with. For example, Muslim women need to have accommodation approved by their fathers and the form of dress used during swimming lessons has to be dealt with. Biased elements must be removed from the training curriculum; elements that are really oriented towards white cultures rather than being oriented towards all cultures. The trainers themselves have to be re-trained to be more aware of the needs of the ethnic minorities.
Finally, there are three specific organisations that the Dutch brought into their training programme: TACT, CIRCON and OPTIE. TACT, the Training Advice and Course Team, consists of six part-time contributors - two from the Anne Frank Foundation, two from the Equal Opportunities Department of the Amsterdam Police, and two independent Training Consultants. The Team was multi-racial in composition. It was funded by the Home Affairs Ministry and is oriented to the police organisation's proper response to applicants and police officers. OPTIE (OPTION) is a black community organisation which provides pre-entry courses for potential black recruits. This programme is operated under the terms of a contract with the Ministry of Home Affairs. It provides courses for prospective recruits and also for officers seeking access to management grades. Its work was in the process of integration into the Police Training School Programme in 1989. CIRCON, Conflict Intervention Research Consultancy, provides training videos and is based at the University of Amsterdam. Former police officers are included on its staff, as well as professional psychologists.[10]
In order to ensure that the police organisation will not ignore these moves, the police organisation itself must be made responsible for implementation so that they feel some ownership of the programme. If the programme was simply carried out by outside bodies, then there would be a danger that the police would feel threatened and would resist the incorporation of the ideas of the programmes. There is always a danger when introducing new ideas to any organisation that the ideas can be diluted or overturned by internal organisational behaviour.
The practical result of this programme for the city of Amsterdam where, in 1988 the population was 50% female and 21% ethnic minority, whereas the police force was 4% ethnic minority, and the female percentage unpublished - was that a target was set for 1992 that the force should be 25% female and 10% ethnic minority. This could only be achieved by the decision not to recruit any white males before 1992.
The second problem to be faced is that of consultative groups and how these should be composed. A problem is that it tends to be the middle class and police-friendly members of society that join the groups. Quite often the younger members of the population with whom the tension is most acute do not join, or are not required to join. The composition and the manner of selection is as important as the existence of these groups. Research on consultative groups in three areas of London has discovered a wide variety of practice in the late 1980s. Some groups were genuinely consultative and members of the group can raise items on the agenda. Others were simply sounding boards for the police. The latter model came to predominate during the 1990s in most areas of England and Wales
Thirdly, in a country like West Germany (which, of course, no longer exists) there is a further problem. Members of ethnic minorities who work in Germany are not necessary citizens. If they are guest workers, as many Turks are, they are not eligible to join the police. There must be ways round this, but it is a problem that needs to be anticipated if policies of consultative groups and minority representation in the police are to be followed. In fact, by the mid-90s, at least one Land, Brandenburg was getting round the problem by allowing non-citizens to join police training programmes and awarding citizenship when the first year of training was successfully completed, and before the trainee had to exercise "police powers".[11]
Fourthly, the police have got to exercise police powers. If the police do not police communities, then somebody else will. One of the problems in London is that the Chinese community appears to be law-abiding because it does not report crime. Research carried out at Exeter in 1988 led to the discovery that the Chinese community was not reporting a lot of crime because many of its members were illegal immigrants and were afraid of going to the police because it might mean being deported. The result was that protection rackets had begun to thrive. People went to illegal immigrants and asked for money (a) not to reveal their existence to the police, and (b) to "look after their interests" and protect their property. The question of legal and illegal immigration and citizenship is a central one here. The situation has since worsened.[12]
A final theme to which it is worth returning is whether it is possible or fair to police different communities differently. Most police forces give their officers some form of discretion and thus in practice policing is done differently at different times and in different circumstances. Given the existence of discretion the nature of the officer exercising it becomes important. It may well be that, in the future, we will have to look at a hierarchy of police forces.[13]
Firstly, there should be a foot patrol service with a responsibility for crime prevention and dealing with petty crime. This service should very definitely be owned by the community. It could be supplied by a private company or by the community itself, or even supplied by a local police force. The community here, however, needs to be at a level lower than that of a municipality. The community needs to be defined in terms of ethnicity and sexual preference. Defining the sorts of community that would be served by a foot patrol service within a city will be a difficult process, but one that needs to be confronted before the 21 Century gets too far underway.
A second level would be that of a police force that would have both a reactive and a public order capacity. This would have to be owned by a municipality or by a province. This would be a uniformed force, which would be reacting to telephone calls and would have to be in touch with the community-owned foot patrol service, which would deal with the follow-up of these sorts of calls. This is, in effect, what the police forces of the advanced world have begun to turn into leaving the petty crime and crime prevention area very much open and leaving the community very badly served in some respects.
Thirdly, there needs to be a criminal investigation force for serious crime. This would involve crimes that are above a certain level of punishment because they are viewed by society as particularly serious, such as rape, murder etc. It would probably involve some sorts of fraud and such a force should be owned and be responsible to the Ministry of Justice. It needs to be a national force.
Fourthly, there needs to be either a national (where the country is big enough), or a super-national force (where a number of countries exist in close geographical proximity), to deal with problems related to drug trafficking, terrorism and organised crime especially where this involves fraud and money laundering.
Fifthly, although not strictly a policing level, the area in which police forces are particularly weak at the moment is that of evaluating and monitoring their policies. There is no reason why police forces should be good at this, and I would suggest that there is a role here for co-operation between police forces and universities. Universities can provide independent and objective monitoring of policy in collaboration with researchers within the police department. It is important, however, for the whole of society that the monitoring of policy and evaluation of policy involves an outside institution in the same way as the business of police complaints. The police exist to serve society; to provide a service to society and policing has become so complex that many of the institutions traditionally involved in monitoring police forces are not capable of so-doing.
Sixthly, there should be belonging to, run by, and financed by, the United Nations, units trained and available to assist the less developed countries in special circumstances such as major emergencies, disasters and inter-communal strife. The United Nations needs to have a number of units from a number of countries ear-marked for both technical support and on occasion special intervention when a particular problem has become too great for the local police to deal with and there would be serious problems involved in calling in the armed forces.
These proposals for a future policing model were originally made by the author in 1990. It was not intended to be comprehensive, but it did suggest a way of organising police services to confront many of the issues raised by demographic change in the 21 Century. Nothing happened in the 1990s to invalidate the desirability of such a model. The European Union hesitates between the German federal model and a hybrid between the French and Germano-Dutch models. The author has discussed the development of these systems in detail elsewhere.[14]
Conclusion
To finish with some Anglocentric comments, it is worth remembering that Robert Peel sought to draw the members of police forces from "the better sort of working man". This was presumably because such people were physically fit and also had some knowledge of the communities, which they were going to police. They were contrasted with the "riffraff" or "the dangerous classes". This also gave the police some legitimacy with sections of the working class.[15] The need for legitimacy today pressures the police to recruit women as well as men and to recruit from all sectors of society, to facilitate a greater identity between the police and the public they police. If policing is to be "by consent", then many sectors of society no longer consent to being policed by white working-class males. The traditional culture of the white, working-class male is characterised by sexism, racism and homophobia. Society in the 21st Century has significant numbers of women [over 50%], "ethnic minorities" [who in certain urban areas constitute a majority] and gays [estimated to constitute about 10% of the adult population].
Research on policing has demonstrated that most police officers have little to do with crime, and primarily perform a service role. Politicians and journalists find this hard to stomach and continue to assess the performance of the police on the basis of the crime statistics. There is a failure in most of Europe to accept that crime clear-up rates have more to do with the readiness of the public to report crime, and act as witnesses both in the course of an investigation and later in court. It is time to recognise this and distinguish between a police service, a crime investigative service and a reactive force with different forms of recruitment and training.
Attention has largely been devoted to reforming the uniformed police and increasing recruitment to it from women and ethnic minorities. The Macpherson Report, also known as the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry suggests that attention equally needs to be paid to the attitudes and training of personnel working in criminal investigation.[16] In Chapter 6, this report discusses the existence of racism in the police, identifying sub-categories of "institutional" racism, as well as "unwitting", "unconscious" and "unintentional" racism. Para 6.34 adopts the following definition of institutional racism:
"The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people."
The Inquiry concluded that racism as so defined exists in the Metropolitan Police and other police services in the UK. In para 6.48 it concludes that this must be accepted as so by the police before it can be addressed. The Lawrence case raises new specifics about police behaviour, in areas related to the investigation of crime against members of ethnic minorities, as opposed to public disorder involving ethnic minorities or the stereotyping of members of ethnic minorities as criminals. The fundamental issue, however, remains that of police legitimacy in a society composed of minorities. The new specific problems need to be addressed and John Grieve's Task Force has begun the process [para 6.50].
There have since been published an Action Plan by the Home Secretary[17] and a First Annual report on Progress. The Webpage cited in the footnote gives access to these and a number of other documents on Race, equality and other issues affecting ethnic minorities. Any discussion of the problems of the relationship between police and ethnic minorities needs to be informed by these documents, because policy has already moved from general principles to specifics. The implementation of these specific policies should have as great an impact on policing as the Scarman Report did in the 1980s.
The argument of this article is that there are many interrelated issues that need to be considered. These problems identified will not only involve ethnic minorities, but affect relationships between the police and many sectors of society. Maintaining police legitimacy in a multicultural Europe is going to present an increasing challenge as freedom of movement is exercised by EU citizens to a greater and greater degree. In the age of the "democratic deficit", Europol and its successor agencies will have major problems legitimising themselves. A "Europe of the Regions" will need policing services at many levels and will have to be extremely sensitive to the issues that separate citizens as well as those that create a sense of common identity.
Notes:
[1] An early version of the article was presented as a paper to a Conference in Cyprus in 1990. The demographic trends described in that paper have become more acute, and attempted policing solutions to predicted problems have themselves served often only to produce new problems. Several of the issues raised in the original paper have been taken up by the author at greater length elsewhere and several of the references below refer the reader to the appropriate publication.
[2] for an expansion of this theme in the all-European context, see Tupman B and Tupman A Policing in Europe: Uniform in Diversity, Intellect, Exeter, 1999, Chap 4.
[3] Bill Tupman "Human Cargo - A Currency of Organised Crime Intersec", The Journal of International Security Vol 10 No. 9 September 2000 pp277-280
[4] W.A.Tupman "The Development of Appropriate Responses to Organised Crime in Transition Societies" Ledneva A.V. and Kurkchiyan M eds. Economic Crime in Russia Kluwer 2000 pp275-287
[5] Tupman B and Tupman A ibid. Chap 5
[6] For information on rastafarianism, visit: http://www.rastafari.org or http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasta.html
[8] Lord Scarman: The Brixton Disorders Cmnd 8427. HMSO, London, 1981
[9] The information in the following paragraphs is largely drawn from: R. Oakley: Policing and Race Equality in the Netherlands. Police Foundation, London, 1990. The author also received information during a visit to the Hague Municipal Police in 1989, when he met members of the organisations participating in the programme.
[10] A review of EU law with regard to Positive Action Programmes for women is available at: http://www.law.emory.edu/EILR/volumes/fall98/rozof.html
[11] Information provided during presentation to the 1993 Exeter MA Study Tour in the Landespolice Training College, Brandenburg
[13] The following ideas were taken further in a joint paper by Tupman and Johnston "New Policing Structures After 1992", in "Social Evolution and Change in the Police: Towards the XXIst Century" Bilbao 1992 pp69-76 and in Tupman and Tupman supra, Chap 7
[14] "The Sovereignty of Fraud and the Fraud of Sovereignty: OLAF and the Wise Men" Journal of Financial Crime Vol 8 No 1 2000 pp. 32-46 and Tupman and Tupman op cit. Chaps 6 and 7
[15] Reiner R The Politics of the Police Harvester Wheatsheaf London 1992; Tupman W.A. "La democratisation des services de police dans la nouvelle Communauté des Etats indépendants" Cahiers de Sécurité Intérieure No 8 Fev/Avr 1992 pp23-35
[16] " The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Cm 4262-I HMSO London 1999
[17] http://www.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm42/4262/4262.htm
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